Alba Rosa Read online

  Alexander Wolfheze

  Alba Rosa

  Ten Traditionalist Essays

  about the Crisis in the Modern West

  Arktos

  London 2019

  Copyright © 2019 by Arktos Media Ltd.

  All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilised in any form or by any means (whether electronic or mechanical), including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

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  ISBN

  978-1-912975-09-9 (Paperback)

  978-1-912975-10-5 (Ebook)

  Editing, Cover & Layout

  John Bruce Leonard

  List of Illustrations

  1. ‘Rose du Midi’, South Rose Window, Notre Dame de Paris

  2. Christ’s Descent into Hell, student of Hieronymus Bosch

  3. Arcite and Pacamon admire Emilia, unknown master

  4. The Fighting Temeraire Tugged to Her Last Berth to be Broken Up, Joseph Mallord William Turner

  5. Le silence. Les camps de reconcentration au Transvaal, Jean Veber

  6. The Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, illustration from a Fāl-Nāmeh

  7. Offrande à la Vierge, ‘Offering to the Virgin’, Simon Saint-Jean

  Take my shoes off

  And throw them in the lake

  And I’ll be

  Two steps on the water

  —Kate Bush, ‘Hounds of Love’

  Dedicated to our people:

  ceci tuera cela

  1. Before the High Altar of History

  ‘Rose du Midi’, South Rose Window, Notre Dame de Paris (ca. 1250–60 — an offering by King Saint Louis). The central médaillon shows Christ Triumphant, i.e. Christ as depicted in the Book of Revelation, with the Sword of Truth coming from His mouth; He is surrounded by the saints and martyrs that bore witness to Him on Earth. The vision of the Rose du Midi will have been one of the last earthly sights of Dominique Venner as he was standing before the High Altar.

  Preface

  L’heure viendra cependant où, dans un monde organisé pour le désespoir,

  prêcher l’espérance équivaudra tout juste

  à jeter un charbon enflammé au milieu d’un baril de poudre.

  [Yet the hour will come when, in a world organized for despair, preaching hope will be the same as throwing a glowing coal in a keg of gunpowder.]

  —Georges Bernanos, Monsieur Ouine

  The High Altar of History

  Many years have passed since the author, in his second high school term of German language instruction, first saw the writings of Die Weisse Rose — a long time ago, in the long-drowned world of pre-digital learning and unpractical bookish wisdom. Facing the sweetly romantic theme of the ‘rose of purity’, the boys in class resigned themselves to a long and boring session — the girls eagerly grabbed their poetry albums. At that time, forty years after the Second World War, German language education was still somewhat ‘tainted’ in the Netherlands — a fact hardly counterbalanced by the latent but pervasive anti-Semitism still experienced by those pupils suspected to be of Jewish stock. On this occasion, however, the teacher managed to gain the full attention and appreciation of his reluctant class. It appeared that the ‘rosy theme’ concerned a small group of German students — not much older than the pupils who were reading their typed essays four decades later — who had actually paid with their lives for a few sheets of brave, but unwelcome prose and verse. If it was the guillotine that put a full stop behind their words, perhaps their words actually deserved some attention. Of course, after the end-of-term exam, not much would be remembered of what was learnt that day, except the naked name — nomina nuda tenemus — and the vague impression of a wrongly scripted David-and-Goliath tale. The theme of the history of Die Weisse Rose — the almighty giant of the totalitarian dictatorship that crops a few loud boys and girls at the neck for the sake of the politically correct remainder of a sleeping nation — was simply too far remote from the actual realities of the free and democratic Netherlands of the mid-’80s. At that time, totalitarian repression and brutal dictatorship were only found in remote, primitive regions of the world — and behind the Iron Curtain. There, the Bolshevik world still brought forth brave warriors of the pen, worthy successors to Die Weisse Rose: samizdat heroes such as Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn with his Odin den Ivana Denisowitsa and Vaclav Havel with his Moc bezmocnych.

  Who could have guessed, at that time, that the theme of Die Weisse Rose would one day gain concrete relevance, a relevance extending beyond mere historical curiosity, for the proudly free and exemplary democratic Dutch nation — or for any progressive Western nation? Who could have guessed that one day, totalitarian ideology and dictatorial politics would not be brought into the Netherlands by foreign occupiers — as the Germans did during the Second World War — but be brought forth by the Dutch soil itself? What about the assumption that German National Socialism had been a unique aberration in Western history — an unfortunate, but entirely plausible Sonderfall from the point of view of historical-materialist theory? What about the assumption that Russian Bolshevism and its imperialist metastases in Eastern Europe and overseas were equally unfortunate, but essentially temporary phenomena, owed to ‘underdevelopment’ — and destined to disappear with material ‘progress’ and advancing ‘enlightenment’? And were these historical-materialist assumptions not soon proven true by subsequent history: by the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Soviet Union and Apartheid — and by the rise of the EU, the euro and the World Wide Web? The events and rhetoric of the early nineties seemed to be the ultimate confirmation of historical-materialist teleology: with George Bush launching the ‘New World Order’ and Francis Fukuyama announcing the ‘End of History’, the post-historical, Postmodern Era had begun.

  How could the sporadic incidents of ‘Black Hawk Down’, ‘9/11’ and ‘Abu Ghraib’ be anything more than easily removable dust specks on the stainless record of the New World Order — insignificant bumps on the highway to a utopian ‘Brave New World’ of global peace, freedom and democracy? How could any critic of this glorious vision be more than an ‘angry white man’ and a pitifully ‘unstable person’, fully deserving his sad fate? From this perspective, it is entirely plausible that only twelve years after the murder of patriotic Dutch prime ministerial candidate Pim Fortuyn (6 May 2002), his assassin was again a free man. The court decided that the murderer, obligingly characterized as a ‘lone wolf’, was simply an ‘overly conscientious’ Social Justice Warrior. The victim, despite his posthumous election as ‘second greatest Dutchman in history’, had been widely portrayed in the media as a ‘danger to society’. From this perspective, it becomes also entirely plausible that the dramatic suicide of cultural critic Dominique Venner, in front of the High Altar of the Notre Dame de Paris (21 May 2013), should have been followed within twenty-four hours by a half-nude act of mockery by a Social Justice Warrior member of the militant feminist action group ‘Femen’.

  But what if there actually existed entirely different perspectives on such events? Was it not actually true that this ‘sextremist’ Femen activist, this blasphemous empress of dystopian anti-Tradition, stood without clothes? Was it not actually true that she was shamelessly profaning hallowed ground — and that the word ‘hell’ was written on her naked belly? And what about the ancient words of the Bible: Babylon the Great, Mother of Harlots and Abominations of the Earth, …drunken with the blood of the saints, and with the blood of the martyrs…? Is it possible that these words were somehow applicable not only to that one Anti-Notre Dame of Femen, but also to the whole New World Order that she re
presented? And, if so, then how had it been possible for such a horrible new regime to rise up in the heart of Western civilization, without being properly noticed, without being bravely denounced and without being seriously resisted? Had similar questions not plagued the students of Die Weisse Rose, and had they not reached terrible conclusions? They had been born too late and their questions had been asked too late as well — ten years after the National Socialist Machtergreifung. But the brave sacrifice of Die Weisse Rose will not have been in vain if later-born youngsters can understand it correctly — if they learn to act punctually whenever they learn about a new totalitarian Machtergreifung.

  The Cultural Nihilist Machtergreifung

  If there is one political fact that is daily evidenced by the Western media, it is this: that the elites of the Postmodern West are immune to societal realities and societal discontent. The more strongly the Western baby boomer elite is disturbed by intrusions of reality and choirs of criticism, the faster its ‘enlightened’ philosophy and ‘progressive’ ideology transform themselves into absurdist dogmas, and the tighter it wraps itself in sub-rational reflex responses: it systematically grinds down all forms of ‘inconvenient truth’ and unwelcome critique, transmuting them into ‘narcissist supply’ for its own instinctive defence mechanisms. It is only by means of a radical tunnel vision and an activist Flucht nach vorne that the baby boomer elite can still maintain the comfort zone of its own existential bubble world. Thus, simple libertarianism is transformed into militant secularism, simple materialism is transformed into status consumerism, simple social Darwinism is transformed into sadistic hyper-capitalism and simple individualism is transformed into malignant narcissism: Cultural Nihilism is born.

  The first incarnation of Cultural Nihilism is found in the well-fed baby boomer in his role as the permanently adolescent Rebel without a Cause (the ’60s and ’70s). Quickly enough, his politically correct anti-authoritarian personality dissipates into a vague ‘lifestyle’ fashion statement (the ’80s and ’90s). Next, this archetype is stabilized in a next generation of opportunistic party-line yes-men, resentful feminists and ambitious diversity creatures (the ’2000s and the ’2010s). The Social Justice Warrior is born.

  Faced with the real world of adult responsibilities, the Social Justice Warrior soon takes refuge in a collective existential bubble, constructed around the pseudo-occult utopia of liberté, égalité, fraternité, a utopia that quickly shifts from ideal to doctrine. Power and privilege gravitate into the ‘black hole’ of this bubble, attracted by the titanic force of totalitarian anti-morality. First, the growing power monopoly and the all-levelling Prinzipienreiterei of the baby boomers absorb the media and the political sector; next, they absorb the justice system and the educational institutions. The hostile elite is born.

  Once defined, this autonomous power sphere quickly detaches itself from democratic controls and legitimate national authority by transnational alliances with international ‘high finance’, multinational corporations and cosmopolitan interest groups: it disappears across the political event horizon of the Western peoples. Globalism is born.

  Unease and criticism of the real-world implementation of globalism are easily deflected by standard references to intangible processes such as ‘market competition’, ‘European law’ and ‘international treaties’. These seemingly unassailable forces provide the hostile elite with a convenient lightning rod to deflect patriotic and identitarian criticism: such criticism is easily dismissed as irrational and futile. Even the most articulate counterarguments are narcissistically ‘mirrored’, misrepresented as ‘populist sentiments’ and ‘social pathologies’. This mechanism explains the patronizing and stigmatizing elite vocabulary, which consistently misrepresents non-Cultural Nihilist ideas and attitudes as ‘bellyfeel’ and ‘racism’. Thus, undisguised demophobia and hysterical witch hunts — ‘pre-modern’ phenomena that were supposed to have been the exclusive preserve of decadent aristocrats and narrow-minded clerics — suddenly re-conquer the public arena. Now, the self-reinforcing psychodynamics dominating the mental bubble of the hostile elite reach the point of no return. Oikophobia is born.1

  At this point, the globalist hostile elite becomes clinically psychotic: solid arguments, irrefutable proof and obvious injustice are purposefully ignored. Throughout the entire Western world, the situation is the same: symbolic gestures and cosmetic measures aside, climate catastrophe, neo-liberal ‘shock therapy’, mass-immigration, indigenous impoverishment and social implosion are simply avoided. Even the most obscene results of globalist ‘policy’ — South African ‘farm killings’, British ‘grooming gangs’, Dutch ‘lover boys’ — are simply ‘killed by silence’ in the mainstream media. Even the most spectacular popular uprisings against the hostile elite — ‘Brexit’, ‘Trump’, ‘M5S’ — are simply laughed away. The Cultural Nihilist totalitarian dictatorship is born.

  Meanwhile, the hostile elite has already found an easy solution to the excess of indigenous discontent (‘angry white men’): ethnic replacement. The baby boomer hostile elite simply re-directs its Cultural Marxist dialectics, shifting it from ‘class struggle’ to ‘anti-identity politics’. The unspoken motto of the elite is clear: if the people do not wish to play along, we will simply create another people. Its informal ‘Kalergi Plan’ aims at the formation of an identity-less méti-métèque population to replace the indigenous European peoples. To this end, the rapidly reproducing peoples of Africa and Asia provide an inexhaustible supply of aspiring colonists. Following the historical trajectory of colonial repatriation and guest labour of the ’50s and ’60s, the hostile elite effortlessly shifts to ‘family reunification’ and ‘refugee resettlement’. But this is a process requiring historical stamina: thus, in the short run, the hostile elite is forced to simultaneously continue work on the socio-cultural deconstruction of the native European peoples. This means the systematic application of institutional power and a ceaseless indoctrination of the indigenous populace with the aim of causing social implosion. The combination of socio-economic pressure (‘privatisation’, ‘market reforms’) and subtly manipulative ‘psyops’ (intellectual ‘dumbing down’ in education, anti-identitarian ‘role models’ in the media) results in the required cocktail of existential insecurity and cognitive dissonance. Thus, sui-genocide and mass-immigration are complementary strategies: ethnic replacement has started.

  Hence, the circle closes: the Cultural Nihilist Machtergreifung is a fact.

  ‘In the First Circle’

  Some years ago the author returned to his own country after a long stay abroad, and he soon discovered how much — and how quickly — it had changed. Most of the old churches of his city had been handed over to new sects, shut down or turned into commercial real estate. The parks of his city had been mostly relinquished to impudent drug dealers, drunken seasonal workers and anti-social lowlifes. The streets of his city are no longer fit for innocent bikers, unaccompanied girls or strolling families: excessive car ownership, violent youth gangs, disgraceful unseemliness and endemic street crime dominate the public space. That space is shifting towards Third World conditions, reflecting the population make-up. Downtown working-class neighbourhoods are followed by suburban commuter neighbourhoods. The largest cities are followed by the smaller cities. The first signs of this creeping process are the closure of up-market shops and the faltering of postal services. Next to disappear are the pillaged ATMs and over-burdened public transport services. By that time, nearly all decent people who are able to move will have fled — including most wage-earners and entrepreneurs. Remaining behind are the poor, the sick and the elderly, abandoned to hopeless lawlessness, criminality and filth. The homeless sleep in cellars and halls of decaying buildings, vagabonds relieve themselves in the parks, uncollected garbage piles up in the streets and rats make their way back into the city for the first time in over one and half centuries. Public safety and the rule of law are mere memories: failing law enforce
ment and judicial impunity have created ethnic no-go areas, non-stop crime waves, open drugs trade and structural social malaise. Social and cultural facilities are rapidly being liquidated: retirement homes, psychiatric wards and public libraries are shut down — nursing care, homeless shelters and debt relief programmes have been pared down to the point of obscenity. The first failures in electricity and water delivery indicate the fact that le voyage au bout de la nuit is well under way.

  The catastrophic transformation at the micro-level is mirrored in social implosion at the macro-level. Unprecedented levels of youth unemployment are hidden — and ‘paid forward’ at the expense of future generations — under the cover of study debts for useless education, endlessly repeated ‘work internships’ and bureaucratic ‘occupational therapy’. Unprecedented social polarization is hidden under the cover of institutionalized welfare fraud, deliberately tolerated criminality and self-perpetuating consumer credit, destroying societal cohesion and civic virtue. Administrative chaos is concealed under the layers of a monstrous bureaucracy, improvised legislation and ad hoc ‘semi-private’ institutions, destroying the rule of law. Commercialization, internationalization and feminization have reduced most forms of education to contentless pastimes that shroud a reality of ‘low threshold’ incompetence, anti-intellectual levelling and cynical ‘monetary efficiency’. In this way, the centuries-old academic tradition of the author’s alma mater has been pulverized between the millstones of business model, affirmative action and diversity, reducing it to a hallucinatory ‘Harvard on the Rhine’, a ‘gender neutral’ theme park for a gilded youth of ‘snowflake’ millennials, Asian ‘internationals’ on safari and ‘refugee’ students in permanent remedial training. In high schools and vocational training institutes, national education has decayed to a point of ‘low literacy’ that precludes a functional society in the long term: society is approaching the terminal stage of genuine ‘idiocracy’.