Alba Rosa Read online

  Initially, the Soviet Union was on the vanguard of the development of the politically correct totalitarian consensus. Two of the corrective mechanisms developed by the Soviets are particularly significant: the concepts of ‘counter-revolution’ and ‘political psychiatry’. During the Brezhnev years, the criteria for the judicial application of appropriate repressive measures — loss of civic rights, imprisonment, deportation, compulsory medication — were finally broadened to the point that over 20,000 political dissidents were locked up in asylums for the insane. The appropriate diagnosis of ‘slow progressive schizophrenia’ could even be made on the basis of ‘mild symptoms’ such as attempts at emigration, possession of forbidden books, participation in civil rights demonstrations and religious activities. Thus, social and psychological pathology was ascribed not merely to ideological, but also to intellectual and artistic ‘deviations’ from the ‘party line’.

  It was only after the fall of the Soviet Union that the ‘Free West’ would make up for its historical backlog. The development of an equivalent system of politically correct totalitarian consensus, tailored to fit Western societal conditions, was a function of the historical development of feminization (towards matriarchy) and xenification (towards ethnic replacement): the shift towards a dictatorship of a hybrid matriarchical-immigrant ‘new proletariat’ determined the form and intensity of the new totalitarian consensus. The institutionalized cognitive dissonance built into this new consensus requires an unprecedented level of intellectual and moral regression, to be finally followed by real-time ‘idiocracy’; hence the accelerated phasing out of education and science. The ‘alternative reality’ aimed at has already been partially realized: corrupt party bosses are ‘innovators’, resentful feminists are ‘power women’, drug-dealing mafia bosses are ‘investors’, fanatical terrorists are ‘unstable individuals’, insolent asylum fraudsters are ‘refugees’ and criminal illegal aliens are ‘dreamers’. Sooner or later, everybody who does not conform to this absurd consensus ideology is associated with the ultimate stigmata of Cultural Nihilist neo-demonology: ‘intolerance’, ‘sexism’ and ‘racism’. Primarily, these stigmata function as sub-rational-emotional markers in the feminized discourse that accompanies the matriarchy of the Postmodern West. In this regard, ‘feeling terms’ such as ‘racism’ can be understood as the Cultural Nihilist equivalent of the Bolshevik term ‘counter-revolutionary’.

  ‘Racism’ is a term [now] usually only used by critics. Official definitions of ‘racism’ often state that the term should only be applied to the belief that some races are superior and on negative actions due to this. In practice it is often applied as a form of ad hominem on anyone believing in the existence of races or even on persons advocating restricting immigration, persons criticizing another culture or multiculturalism, persons supporting their own country/ethnicity, etc. (Metapedia).

  Such terms fit into the Orwellian concept of Newspeak: individuals tainted by them are per definition guilty of crimethink, a sin that defines them as unpersons in Cultural Nihilist utopia. The proto-totalitarian regime covers itself by stretching its maximally elastic ‘anti-discrimination’ laws to the point that rational debate concerning its key projects — matriarchical ‘idiocracy’, gender deconstruction, ethnic replacement — is no longer possible. Only a full internalization of politically correct cognitive dissonance (blackwhite, double speak) can still provide the goody-goody citizen with waterproof crimestop. The Gutmensch is born.

  The Traditionalist cure for this psychopathological hijacking of the public debate is a rediscovery of the fundaments of Western civilization: a return to the indispensable hierarchical principle underpinning every authentic community. The first step to take is to rediscover the functionality of the classical principles of Auctoritas, Nomos and Katechon. Every authentic community is defined by holistic vision and anagogic direction: there, ‘intolerance’ and ‘hate’ have no place in the public sphere; they are mere signs of psychological immaturity in the private sphere. The Cultural Nihilist hostile elite projects such negative ‘feeling terms’ onto its enemies: it is, in fact, this elite itself that is characterized by structural resentment and irrational aversion towards everything that is more distinguished, more beautiful, more gifted and more humane than itself — which is nearly everything else in the world. From a Traditionalist perspective, a rational debate with the Cultural Nihilist hostile elite is therefore simply impossible: Traditionalism can only reject Cultural Nihilism and its totalitarian governance projects out of hand.

  As is the case in every totalitarian governance project, the baseness and meanness of the Cultural Nihilist regime feed on the empty-headedness and hard-heartedness of its subjects. Thus, the regime fears authentic knowledge and authentic identity — their re-activation is the main task of the opposition. The hostile elite of the West has not yet reached its ultimate goal of totalitarian power; its proto-totalitarian regime still has redoubtable enemies. These enemies, united in a growing patriotic-identitarian resistance, include all people who stand up to defend Western civilization.

  Cet animal est très méchant; quand on l’attaque il se défend!

  qāf          lām           :

  Chapter One

  The Harrowing of Hell

  Ten Traditionalist Perspectives on Modern Eurasianism

  Prologue: The Betrayal of the West

  A nation can survive its fools, and even its ambitious fools. But it cannot survive treason from within. An enemy at the gates is less formidable, for he is known and carries his banner openly. But the traitor moves amongst those within the gate freely, his sly whispers rustling through all the alleys, heard in the very halls of government itself. For the traitor appears not a traitor: he speaks in accents familiar to his victims, and he wears their face and their arguments, he appeals to the baseness that lies deep in the hearts of all men. He rots the soul of a nation, he works secretly and unknown in the night to undermine the pillars of the city, he infects the body politic so that it can no longer resist.

  —Marcus Tullius Cicero

  During the 2017 Golden Dawn Conference in Rotterdam, Jared Taylor, the long-serving leader of the American Renaissance Foundation, called German Chancellor Merkel the ‘greatest traitor of the West since Ephialtes’. Before addressing the substance of this qualification, it is appropriate to consider its formal aspect. The words chosen by Jared Taylor depart from two elementary principles of the Western political debate: the notion of diplomatic etiquette and the notion of democratic legitimacy. The speaker implies that diplomatic etiquette no longer applies to a legitimately elected democratic leader when the democratic process results in the election of a traitor. The question arises why a cautious speaker like Jared Taylor denies the political leader of Europe’s most powerful country status and legitimacy. It is clear that the times when good citizens would line the pavement and wave their little flags for visiting foreign statesmen are over. But many in the audience still needed some time to part with the old notions of ‘friendly heads of state’ and ‘democratic leadership’. They may be helped by a wise aphorism: It is shameful when a foolish youngster fails to guard his tongue, but it is elevating when, after many years, a wise elder speaks out (Nikolás Gómez Dávila). Jared Taylor’s words came as a relief to all those who have long repressed their desperation about the fatal course which the Western leaders have set for their peoples. This repressed sentiment is akin to the desperation of the passengers of flight United 93, who on ‘9/11’ finally decided to storm the cockpit. Now that the leadership of the West has turned out to be a hostile elite, it cannot come as a surprise that the peoples of the West are turning to emergency procedures. But for the young people of the West it is not enough that they feel themselves to be finally understood by an elder leader: they also need to understand the precise nature of the treason involved. To understand this, they need insight into the worldview of the Western hostile elite and into t
he origins of this worldview: this is the key to the Betrayal of the West.

  Young Western people are now only familiar with authentic Traditional identities (ethnicity, class, community, family, vocation) and authentic Traditional values (religious duty, national honour, governmental responsibility, civic duty, civil behaviour) in a negative sense: they can now only reconstruct these identities and values by inverting the experience they have of their role models (politicians, teachers, idols, fathers). Instinctively all young Westerners know that they have been betrayed. Their identities — ethnicity, class, gender, vocation — have been ‘deconstructed’ in Cultural Nihilist programmes of globalization, mass immigration and feminization. Their heritage — material assets, workers’ rights, social security, education, culture — has been sacrificed to baby boomer privileges, neo-liberal deregulation and affirmative action priorities. Their future has been fatally compromised because the baby boomer hostile elite has delegated effective power to institutions that are located beyond the reach of democracy. Economic power has been ceded to a cartel of international banks and multinational corporations, abstractly represented as ‘free market’ and ‘international competition’. Political power has been relinquished to a cartel of transnational institutions, abstractly represented as ‘European Law’ and ‘international treaties’. Within these parameters, young Western people will never be able to come to grips with the issues that determine their future. The greatest of these issues are global climate change, technological transhumanism, ethnic replacement and social implosion. Within the present parameters of institutional power and public discourse even the most sincere attempts at reform — ‘environmental sustainability’, ‘labour market reform’, ‘regulated immigration’, ‘social policy’ — are doomed to degenerate into cynical political rhetoric. For young Western people acceptance of such political marginalization equals the acceptance of a legacy of unlimited liability: it would doom them to lifelong debt slavery.

  The only exit from this impasse is an intellectual counter-deconstruction of the entire Cultural Nihilist discourse. Here Traditionalist doctrine offers an escape route: Traditionalist doctrine exposes the historical fallacy of the Cultural Nihilist ideology: it exposes the intellectual and psychological roots of the Betrayal of the West. Only such a counter-deconstruction can open the way to preventing, combating and reversing the Decline of the West. The Decline of the West, dramatically realized in the great revolutions, world wars and civil wars of the 20th century, is a function of the clashing forces of Modernity and Tradition within and between the European peoples, embodied in different states and empires at different times. Western history has now deprived these antithetical forces of much of their impetus; the Postmodern socio-economic, cultural and geopolitical vacuum testifies to their ‘mutual annihilation’. For the first time after a century-long downward slide, the possibility of an upward reversal now presents itself: the vicious circle of thesis and antithesis may be broken. A cultural and intellectual space is opening up for a synthesis — a synthesis of Modernity and Tradition that Traditionalist symbolism identifies as the ‘Golden Dawn’. In theory, at least, this offers the European peoples, now facing the nadir of the Crisis of the Modern World, a possibility of re-inventing themselves and of re-conquering their place in the sun. History will not repeat this opportunity to surmount the Betrayal of the West: it is up to the young people of the West to grasp the significance of this last chance.

  1. The Eurasian Project

  At last, it may be that Russia pronounces the final Word

  of the great general harmony, of the final brotherly communion of all nations…

  —Fyodor Dostoyevsky

  The Traditionalist discourse is the oldest and most reliable weapon available to the young people of the West in their struggle to deconstruct Cultural Nihilism, which in its turn is the foundational premise of the Decline and Betrayal of the West. About this discourse more will be said shortly. Except for a theoretical (intellectual, ideological) alternative to Cultural Nihilism, however, also a practical (geopolitical, socio-economic) alternative is needed. The theoretical discourse of Cultural Nihilism is implemented through a practical programme: the thalassocratic Atlanticism based on American superpower, better known as the ‘New World Order’ since 1991. The fall of the Soviet Union resulted in a unipolar geopolitical reality in which this New World Order was able to raise its Cultural Nihilist foundation myth to the status of a standard global discourse. Historically this new monopoly of Cultural Nihilism coincides with the intellectual closure of the Traditional School, founded by René Guénon, Ananda Coomaraswamy and Frithjof Schuon and ending with Seyyed Hossein Nasr. This means that Traditionalist discourse has been sidelined and confined to the academic and esoteric margin. But the institutional marginalization and public near-invisibility of the Traditionalist discourse has also had a positive effect: it has cleansed this discourse of all residues of academic political correctness and tactical dialectical compromise. Traditionalism has been reduced to its core identities: meta-historical worldview, metapolitical discourse and apolitical hermeneutics. This makes Traditionalism a stable reference point for all those who seek to dismantle the New World Order: Traditionalism can serve as a gauge and a measure: it can serve to theoretically evaluate and validate practical alternatives.

  During recent years the escalating crisis of Western Modernity has permanently alienated an entire generation of young Western people from the New World Order: its dominant discourse of Cultural Nihilism is increasingly experienced as totalitarian and anachronistic. This has resulted in the phenomenal growth of an ‘alternative’ and ‘identitarian’ movement, thus far undefined and uncoordinated. Thus far, the only philosophically coherent ideological model that has been formulated within this movement is Archaeo-Futurism. Thus far, this movement has failed to formulate a sustainable geopolitical strategy. Archaeo-Futurism however, does provide a possible point of departure through its affiliation with Eurasianism, i.e. the metapolitical discourse that privileges ‘World Island’-based Tradition over ‘Outer Isle’-based Modernity and finds its origins in the particular (Slavophile, Orthodox) Traditionalism at the core of the White Russian émigré movement. In the same manner in which Cultural Nihilism is practically implemented through thalassocratic Atlanticism, Archaeo-Futurism seeks an alternative to the New World Order by exploring Eurasianism. Thus, it is worth exploring the degree to which Eurasianism provides a realistic geopolitical strategy for the rising resistance movements of the West. In this regard, Traditionalism provides a useful research model because Eurasianism incorporates many Traditionalist ideas. A Traditionalist evaluation of Eurasianism can determine to what degree it can remedy the crisis of Western Modernity and whether it offers a viable alternative to the New World Order. It is important to determine to what degree Russo-centric Eurasianism is compatible with Western realities and to what degree it has geopolitical applicability to the Western peoples. For the sake of brevity, the ‘West’ will here be defined as that part of the European peoples that spent the entire 20th century outside the cultural-historical ‘refrigerator’ of Communism, and which was thus unremittingly exposed to the full force of Modernity. This ‘West’ includes the peoples of Western Europe and the overseas Anglosphere (which will here be defined to cover its Canadian-French and Afrikaans-Dutch appendices); these peoples have been hit hardest by Cultural Nihilism.

  The following Traditionalist evaluation of Eurasianism aims at a cultural-historical ‘diagnosis’ of the Western peoples. This diagnosis should determine whether or not the Western peoples are at all able to undergo the ‘therapy’ of Eurasianism.

  Every Traditionalist cultural-historical analysis is by definition holistic, and in this case, it requires a multidisciplinary approach for which the required assembly of instruments is far from complete. Even so, some basic outlines are already detectable. Religiously, the Cultural Nihilist discourse of the post-war baby boom generation — reach
ing absurdist extremes now that the hostile elite has discarded its mask — is a false doctrine of subhuman (satanic) origin. Sociologically, it is a sub-rational modality of habitus. Psychologically, it is an egosyntonic syndrome that excludes the possibility of objective self-analysis. Even these rudimentary outlines make it clear that it is only possible to speak of true ‘betrayal’ in a retroactive sense. The terms ‘organized treason’ and ‘deliberate conspiracy’ can only apply to the very highest echelons of the global hostile elite. This does not alter the historical liability of the hostile elite as a whole, but it does give an indication of the varying degrees of penalty applicable to its constituent parts. A future reckoning in terms of ‘lessened responsibility’ and ‘limited accountability’ will depend on the final historical balance of Cultural Nihilism, but if a minimum of Western civilization is salvaged from the wreckage, it is reasonable to expect that most of the hostile elite will end up in asylums for the insane and rehabilitation clinics rather than in prison cells or in front of firing squads. But irrespective of the manner in which the hostile elite is relegated to the dustbin of history, the question remains to what degree the Cultural Nihilist discourse has infected the masses of the European peoples. The ability of the European peoples to undergo a Eurasian ‘therapy’ ultimately depends on the degree to which they have absorbed and internalized Cultural Nihilism — and on the degree to which they have developed a natural resistance to it over the course of the last decennia. The result of the Betrayal of the West will depend on the answers to these questions. More concretely formulated, these questions are: how deep does the Betrayal of the West run — and why does it run so deep?