Alba Rosa Read online

  First and foremost, survival in the escalating Crisis of the Modern World — a crisis which is hitting the Western heart of Modernity first, deepest and hardest — demands a radical intellectual and existential shift. The first shift that is required is an irreversible transition from inner hyper-individualism and outer cosmopolitan universalism to inner community-identity and outer supra-national corporatism. Only on this basis can the European peoples be expected to achieve the collective will and the collective power that are required from them if they want to survive the approaching crisis of European history. The second shift that is required is a final abolition of reactionary hyper-nationalism. A hyper-nationalistic programme, such as that of the Third Reich, may result in spectacular gestures, but it is doomed to failure in the face of the quantitative resources of the New World Order. Eurasianism may provide a geopolitical framework for a collective approach: it is the logical central element of a ‘boreal alliance’ of all the European peoples. For the sake of brevity here the ‘European peoples’ will be defined in semi-linguistic terms as all peoples of Indo-European (Hellenic, Albanian, Romance, Celtic, Germanic, Baltic, Slavic, Armenian), Basque, Finno-Ugric and (North, South and East) Caucasian descent. Such a ‘boreal alliance’ obviously extends to the entire overseas Anglosphere and it finds its natural allies in the Indo-European peoples of West and Southern Asia, but it falls or stands with its geopolitically central element: Eurasianism. The realization of the Eurasian project depends entirely on the willingness and ability of the European peoples to proceed with the above-mentioned shifts. The historical Betrayal of the West is the root problem: the inner Cultural Nihilist betrayal opens the gate to the outer enemy. The Cultural Nihilist betrayal is effectuated by inner division: the strategy of divide et impera is operative within as well as between the European peoples. Within each people estates, classes, generations and genders are set up against each other through the ‘deconstruction’ of authentic identity and through the ‘competitive’ procedures of hyper-democracy. The European peoples are pitted against each other through manipulated historical ‘rivalry’ and through artificial diplomatic ‘prestige’. This refined manipulation exploits the many psychohistorical traumas of the European peoples. The successful realization of the Eurasian project depends on a successful neutralization of these traumas.

  The unity that the Eurasian project requires of the European peoples is only possible after a transparent historical analysis and a collectively cathartic ‘therapy’, focused on the debilitating traumas caused by the Second World War. A collective cultural-historical Vergangenheitsbewältigung and a psychohistorical settling of accounts are basic preconditions for snuffing out the Betrayal of the West. A fully validated Eurasianism requires an honest account of the Hellstorm that 20th century history brought upon the West. The unresolved past and the unrecognised injustice of this Hellstorm mean that the old divisions between the European peoples will continue into the 21st century. These fatal divisions are eagerly exploited by the great enemy of all European peoples: the global hostile elite of high finance, multinational corporations, Cultural Nihilist academia and Social Justice Warrior media. This global hostile elite has opened the gates of the West and is now inciting the non-European peoples to an ultimate all-out assault on the West. The inability to learn from the Hellstorm of 20th century history condemns the European peoples to a repetition in the 21st century: Hellstorm 2.0. Only learning the lessons of Hellstorm 1.0 offers them a chance to survive Hellstorm 2.0. History will not forgive the European peoples a second time.

  2. Hellstorm 1.0

  Scipio, when he looked upon Carthage as it was utterly perishing

  and in the last throes of its complete destruction,

  is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.

  —Polybius

  It is worth considering Jared Taylor’s qualification of German Chancellor Merkel as the ‘greatest traitor of the West since Ephialtes’ from a Traditionalist perspective. Irrespective of the questionable notion that a woman can ever objectively experience herself as a ‘traitor’, the fundamental issue at stake is the true nature of the being and work of Merkel. These can only be grasped through a proper understanding of the German Götterdämmerung of 1945: Merkel personifies the posttraumatic schizophrenia of the human residue that remained on the territory of the former German state after the dissolution of German identity. Like all ‘New Germans’ born after Stunde Null, she is existentially conditioned by the deepest caesura known in Western history. Stunde Null is the historical ‘black hole’ that separates the hyper-identitarian Third Reich from the militantly nihilistic New World Order. Whereas Merkel’s predecessor Helmut Kohl, sworn into the Hitler Jugend during the Führergeburtstag at Berchtesgaden, could still barely claim the Gnade der späten Geburt, but Kohl’s Mädchen is already an entirely unsuspected product of the post-war regime. Whereas Kohl still had to cautiously steer a course between the pre-war generation and the post-war occupation, Merkel is already able to proceed full steam ahead towards the final destination of the ‘Federal Republic’: ‘Anti-Germany’. This ‘Anti-Germany’ is the cultural-historical equivalent of a vanquished enemy that has been reduced to a castrated slave: a perfect exemplary warning in the service of the global New World Order. The direction of this project is explicitly expressed in the self-destructive discourse of the hostile elite: anti-nationalist political ‘Europeanism’, anti-identitarian social ‘humanism’ and anti-traditional cultural ‘Americanism’. The final destination of the ‘Anti-Germany’ project can be deducted from statistical reality: economic tributary status (Wiedergutmachung, ‘reparations’, Euro-related sovereign debt liabilities, ‘development aid’, ‘asylum facilities’), demographic sui-genocide (negative birth rates) and enforced Umvolkung (ethnic replacement through mass immigration). This Anti-German ‘Federal Republic’ is the deepening black hole at the heart of Europe, and the German Chancellor guards its psychohistorical ‘event horizon’. There is a total taboo on everything that existed before Stunde Null, and the usurious mortgage of the past is eating up the German present as well as the German future. As in the 19th century, so again in the 21st century, the centrepiece of European civilization is Germany — but now in a perversely inverted manner. Bismarck’s Second Reich was Europe’s geopolitical heavy-weight, its guide in science and technology and its treasury of art and culture; now Merkel’s ‘Anti-Germany’ is Europe’s geopolitical dead heart, its heart of Cultural Nihilist darkness and its open door to terror and barbarity. Against this background, it is clear that stabilization of the black hole of ‘Anti-Germany’ is the urgent task of the Eurasian project: Germany is the engine of European Cultural Nihilism and the resulting geopolitical vacuum constitutes a fatal mortgage for Europe’s present and future. Only an intrepid time travel across the event horizon of Stunde Null — a direct Vergangenheitsbewältigung — can cure the blind madness of German and European Cultural Nihilism. An immediate dismantling of the Cultural Nihilist ‘state religion’, with its central doctrines of Germany’s people as a negativ auserwähltes Volk (‘negatively chosen people’) and of Germany’s history as the singulärste Schuld auf Erden (‘the world’s uniquest debt’) is an absolute precondition for the survival of European civilization (Rolf-Peter Sieferle, Finis Germania, 2017).

  One of the elements that fell into the black hole of Germany’s unresolved past was the wife of Merkel’s predecessor Helmut Kohl, Hannelore Kohl: shortly before ‘9/11’, she chose eternal sleep. Her personal history symbolizes the Werdegang of Merkel’s ‘Anti-Germany’: her story gives a direct account of German history that renders superfluous many shelves of censored ‘revisionist’ history books. Until the day, in some distant future, when the assembled historians of European peoples decide to write down the Truth, nobody can know what was the true extent of the atrocities that have recently been reconstructed by writers such as Giles MacDonogh (After the Reich, 2007) and Thomas Goodrich (Hellstorm, 2010). But one
thing is certain: they cannot be allowed to reignite the mutual cycles of hate and revenge that have drawn in the European peoples during the 20th century. The personal history of Hannelore Kohl knows no hatred and no revenge — only silent suffering and despairing death. In the hopeless final battles of the German Götterdämmerung she was one of the hundreds of thousands of German women and girls who had to empty the bitter cup of totaler Krieg till its last dregs; in 2001 she took the last sip of her own free will. The American air force had destroyed Leipzig and her parental house. The family was evacuated to the countryside, but was overtaken by the Red Army. Nobody has recorded how many soldiers outraged the twelve-year-old girl before she was ‘thrown out of the window like a wheat bag’. Recorded posthumously was the broken life that resulted from those last hours before Stunde Null: the lifelong pain from spinal injury, the psychosomatic suffering that ended in extreme photophobia, the panic attacks around normal things such as the smell of garlic and alcohol — and the sound of the Russian language. The language of Pushkin and Tolstoy may have become unbearable because of the Soviet soldiers, but the Soviet generals let the soldiers do what they did and the Soviet politicians let them go unpunished. And then there were the German ‘men’ who ‘survived’: the German soldiers who did not fight to the death, the German generals who surrendered and the German politicians who went to parley with the enemy. After the Wende Helmut Kohl again went to parley — to redeem Hannelore’s Heimat.

  Nearly all European peoples suffered deeply during the 20th century. One day this suffering may be fully quantified and qualified, but it can never be justified. The two world wars, the great revolutions, the great civil wars, the Red and the Black Terror, the decolonization wars — all their victims demand appropriate remembrance and all their lessons must be learned. None of the European peoples is without reasons for hate and vengeance. But the European peoples can no longer afford to sit in judgment on each other if they want to survive the coming Crisis of the Modern World: divided they will fall, and only in unity can they remain standing. To resolve these hate and revenge complexes, it is useful to look at 20th century history in a new manner. Looking back across seven decades, one can see no longer an incoherent series of separate revolutions, wars and civil wars, but rather the outline of a single conflict. From a Traditionalist perspective this historical complex — the forty years between the First Russian Revolution of 1905 and the destruction of the Third German Empire in 1945 — appears as a single, comprehensive ‘European Civil War’ between the forces of Modernity and Tradition. The last phase of the conflict, otherwise knows as the ‘Second World War’, clearly shows its essential character as a civil war. In those years, millions of soldiers fought on the ‘wrong side’. More than a million Soviet citizens fought against the Soviet government. More than fifty thousand Dutchmen fought for the Axis powers: between 1941 and 1945 more Dutch soldiers died on Soviet soil fighting for Germany than died during the 1940 Dutch campaign against Germany.

  The author belongs to the small Dutch nation: he is not able and not allowed — nor does he want — to sit in judgment of the historical claims and questions of ‘guilt’ of the greater European nations. He can only see parallels in Dutch history: even the small Dutch nation, supposedly peacefully prospering between its dikes and windmills, has reasons for hate and revenge. Aside from the burden of four centuries of overseas (colonial, South African) history, the Dutch nation also carries the burden of 20th century European history. There is still latent hatred against Germany, which tried to quickly wrangle its way out of a two-front war by destroying Rotterdam (May 1940 — 900 dead) — five days of Blitzkrieg were followed by five years of terror, genocide and plunder. There is still latent resentment against America and England for the misdirected bombings of Nijmegen (February 1944 — 800 dead) and Bezuidenhout (March 1945 — 500 dead). But perhaps ‘Nijmegen’ and ‘Bezuidenhout’ allow the Dutch people a degree of empathy with the German people, who during the same years suffered Allied ‘carpet bombings’ on an incomparably larger scale. If the 56 bomber planes and 67 tons of bombs of ‘Bezuidenhout’ caused 500 dead, made 20,000 homeless and rendered large parts of The Hague uninhabitable for many years, then what was the effect of 800 bomber planes and 1.8 million tons of bombs — during the first night of the Allied campaign against Hamburg alone (July 1943)? The chilling numbers of the German Götterdämmerung escape human comprehension: during the Second World War, more than 67 million tons of Allied bombs were dropped only on Berlin. Scientific analyses and statistics are useful and necessary, but they are wholly inadequate when it comes to measuring the depths of the tragic European Civil War: this measure can only be achieved by personal acts of witnessing, such as that of Hannelore Kohl.

  Because, of all the Western people, the Russian people has suffered longest and most during the ‘Western Civil War’, it is fitting to also consult a Russian witness. Alexander Solzhenitsyn, an officer in the Red Army during the Soviet invasion of East Prussia, was arrested in February 1945 on charges of ‘anti-Soviet propaganda’. During the following years of imprisonment and forced labour he wrote the long poem Prussian Nights; there he writes not only about the Russian revenge for Tannenberg, but also about the Russian war crimes that he witnessed in East Prussia. Solzhenitsyn’s testimony proves that the Russian people is its own best judge. His words, implicitly dedicated to hundreds of thousands of Hannelores, accurately mirror the images of Hellstorm 1.0 that have settled in the German psyche. Is it conceivable that these images — half-repressed, half whitewashed — unconsciously impel the German Chancellor, the childless matriarch of emasculated ‘Anti-Germany’, to the masochistic exercise of Hellstorm 2.0? Is this the self-enforced repetition of history in a perversely reversed ‘role play’? Again, unpunished terror, plunder and mass rape — this time perpetrated by an intentionally encouraged invasion of ‘refugees’. Again, the acceptance, the suppression and the impunity of the rape of the nation — this time by a female leader who stands up for the perpetrators. Instead of taking a poison capsule in a bunker, Frau Merkel ends up on a ‘selfie’ with the enemy. The real meaning of her infamous words wir schaffen das is this: Deutschland ad acta legen. Thus, she personifies the psychohistoric black hole in the heart of Europe, while Solzhenitsyn’s words clarify its origin:

  Zweiundzwanzig, Hoeringstrasse.

  It’s not been burned, just looted, rifled.

  A moaning, by the walls half muffled:

  The mother’s wounded, still alive.

  The little daughter’s on the mattress,

  Dead. How many have been on it?

  A platoon, a company perhaps?

  A girl’s been turned into a woman,

  A woman turned into a corpse.

  It’s all come down to simple phrases:

  Do not forget! Do not forgive!

  Blood for blood! A tooth for a tooth!

  3. The Fall of the West

  vae victis!

  Gli uomini e le rovine (1953) is the appropriate title of Evola’s Traditionalist review of the Western Civil War. He points out the unifying factor of the converging elements of domestic revolution, civil war and international conflict: the meta-historical conflict between rising Modernity and declining Tradition, cutting straight through all the European peoples. Evola surveys the cultural-historical ruins that remain after the inevitable victory of Modernity and he warns the survivors of defeated Tradition against illusory political activism. This year sixty-five years will have passed since Evola’s review; in the meantime, the ruins of the old West have been cleared physically and the heritage of the European civilization has been psychologically covered over by a radical Modernist ‘Europe 2.0’. This ‘Europe 2.0’, implemented politically, monetarily and socially by the totalitarian EU superstate, has become the ideal laboratory of Modernity. Here the remnants of the European peoples are subjected to the most sadomasochistically bizarre forms of vivisection: demographic
sui-genocide, ecocidal hyper-consumerism, militant secularism, ochlocratic hyper-democracy, institutional matriarchy and cultural oikophobia are the most poignant results of this historically unprecedented Umwertung aller Werte. The sheer scale aside, from a macro-historical perspective there is nothing new under the sun: this is the natural winding up of the legacy of the West. The universal patterns of defeat and downfall are self-evident. The fall of Carthage in 146 BC meant that men died in battle, that the city was destroyed, that the ground was salted and that the women and children were sold as slaves. The fall of Jerusalem in 70 AD meant that its Temple was destroyed, that its walls were torn down and that its inhabitants went into exile. The Fall of the West in 1945 meant that the victors could dispose of the land, the property and the people of much of the West — this is the ancient right of the victor, still incorporated in international law through the principles of uti possidetis and ex factis ius oritur.

  But since that time the Fall of the West has also overtaken the ‘victors’ of 1945. For France and England, the pyrrhic victory of 1945 was merely a prelude to the final liquidation of their empire and their great power status. For Russia the dearly bought victory of 1945 was followed by an impossible — costly, prolonged, lonely — stand-off with the global power of the Anglo-Saxon thalassocracy, and the resulting economic bankruptcy was followed by the fire sale of the Soviet empire in 1991. After a short moment of euphoria, even the final remaining Western superpower, America, is now proving to be subject to the geopolitical laws of ‘imperial overreach’. In spite of all its overblown rhetoric and saber-rattling, the American superpower has been fatally compromised. The overstretched American armed forces and the prohibitively expensive (inefficient, corrupt) military-industrial complex may still be able to execute short tactical interventions on behalf of the transnational interests of high finance, but the only true credibility they retain now rests solely on the all-or-nothing option of nuclear Mutual Assured Destruction. Astronomical debt and accelerated de-industrialization are sure symptoms of the implosion of American superpower. Thus, the official victors of 1945 have now effectively joined the official losers of 1945: they are now collectively subject to the historical mechanisms of the Fall of the West.